GLAD Perspective on 2004 Elections
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GLAD Statement
| November 3 was not a happy day to wake up LGBT in America. Not only had 11
states passed referenda writing marriage discrimination into their constitutions,
but pundits were tracing President Bush’s re-election back to “gay
marriage” – specifically the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court’s
November 2003 decision to stop denying equal marriage rights to same-sex couples.
Since November 3, when both Democrats and the LGBT community were smarting,
cooler and perhaps more accurate analysis has emerged. According to Andrew
Kohut of the Pew Research Center, the percentage of evangelical Christians
voting in this election was the same as in 2000. The percentage of pro-life
voters was the same. The percentage of voters who say they pray daily was the
same. So it’s difficult to argue that the evangelical vote made a difference
in Ohio or nationally. |
Read more viewpoints on the election:
David Brooks -- "The Values-Vote Myth"
David Garrow -- "Kerry's Fatal Error"
Gary Buseck -- Speech to GOAL New England Dinner
Mary Bonauto and Marty Rouse -- "Gay marriage is not to blame"
New York Times -- "Maybe Same-Sex Marriage Didn't Make the Difference"
Mark Mellman -- "Values' role easily simplified"
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Rather, as conservative columnist David Brooks argued in the New York Times, “Bush
won because 53% of voters approved of his performance as President. 58% of
them trust Bush to fight terrorism. They had roughly equal confidence in Bush
and Kerry to handle the economy. Most approved of the decision to go to war
in Iraq.” And when asked about specific issues – as opposed to
amorphous “moral values” – voters in Ohio listed gay marriage
second to last in their consideration of whether to vote for Bush or Kerry.
Gary Langer, director of polling for ABC News, warned that the “poorly
devised” exit poll “threatens to undermine our understanding of
the 2004 election.” By asking voters to choose among taxes, education,
Iraq, terrorism, economy/jobs, moral values or health care, the poll equated
six concrete policy issues with one grab bag which could hold anything. Dick
Meyer of CBS News agreed: “If one of the issues on the list was a combined "terrorism
and Iraq," it would have been the top concern of 34 percent of the electorate
and nobody would be talking about moral values. If "taxes, jobs and the
economy" was on the list as one item instead of two, it would have been
the topper at 25 percent.”
One thing exit polls did tell us is that fairness is a bedrock value across
the country: 62% of people support either marriage or civil unions for same-sex
relationships. Even George Bush, in the final days of the campaign, softened
his stance and spoke of being open to supporting civil unions. As Brooks noted
in the New York Times, “There is a big middle on gay rights issues, as
there is on most social issues.”
In fact, in Massachusetts, legislators who supported the Goodridge decision
were returned to office – every one. And two legislators who had not
supported Goodridge were defeated in their primaries. In this state where we
have seen same-sex couples marry, voters seem to have recognized that
marriages only bring joy and security, and they don’t threaten any one
else’s marriages, or society in general.
The fact of this state’s growing acceptance of equal marriage is the
result a long, long process of public discussion and incremental legal and
legislative progress on GLBT rights issues. Goodridge did not come out of the
blue in Massachusetts: we carefully assessed our chances of success here – as
in Vermont and now in Connecticut – before filing suit.
And GLAD waited for the time to be right in those states: for there to be
a record of legislation and court decisions advancing lesbian and gay issues;
for public opinion to recognize the challenges facing same-sex families as
legitimate; for the development of an organized community of allies to support
the issue politically.
Massachusetts is not an island or a miracle. It is a way forward. As we go
forward seeking an end to discrimination in marriage for LGBT people no matter
where they live, the one reliable and very powerful asset LGBT have is the
same as any minority group has: the power to speak our truth in our own voices.
That is what the seven couples we represent in Connecticut are doing: telling
their stories of harm from being denied marriage rights. In a country where
many grew up saying the Pledge of Allegiance, fairness still matters.
But non-LGBT people are essential for us to succeed since no minority can
succeed on its own. Plain and simple, we are at a crossroads. Plenty of Bush
voters voted against constitutional amendments. Whatever our political background
or life circumstances, all who believe in equality and fairness as fundamental
American values must stand up to those who would further institutionalize discrimination
against LGBT people, our families, and our children.
We must all unequivocally condemn marriage discrimination against same-sex
couples, answer every person who seeks to perpetuate it, and reassure everyone
(including elected officials) that there is much to gain and nothing to fear
from recognizing that LGBT people and families are fully part of our civil
society.
While it is important, always, for strategy to be timely, it is also important
to recognize that oppressed people are always told to wait. And as Martin Luther
King, Jr. reminds us in his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail", time can be used
for good or ill: "More and more I feel that the people of ill will have
used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will
have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions
of bad people, but for the appalling silence of good people."
'Freedom to Marry Rings' image upper right © H. Mitchell.
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